Without asking the people that live and work in the Valle de Guadalupe, Torres, like a thief in the night, has attempted to subversively push through an aggressive land reuse program titled the Sectorial Program for the Urban Touristic Development of the Wine Producing Valleys.This pinche cabron from the PRI plans to dedicate 48% of the Valle soil to fancy condos and recreation, like the golf course Torres is already working on, in an all too predictable Mexican pattern of build first and think later that has ruined many great cities in Mexico. If you’ve enjoyed the unspoiled country that Anthony Bourdain had referred to as “the New Tuscany”, now is the time to act.
In this war for territory, the journalists have become victims. Because, unlike in traditional wars, in Mexico journalists don’t die in the crossfire, from a stray bullet, from walking in a minefield. In Mexico, the killers hunt down journalists, dragging them out of their offices and their houses, intercepting them in the street.
This is the result of
- a War About Drugs™ that Richard Nixon started that no one seems to to be ending some time soon.
- a cynical process to create a penal industrial complex changing people in to cattle to profit from penning in
- no one lighting a big enough fire under congress’ ass to fix it
- Americans not confronting how they have been trying to get the genie back in the bottle
…I remember when Monsignor Guillermo Schulemberg [sic] (who was the head of the Basilica of Guadalupe for 40 years) publicly declared that Guadalupe was a sham. Msgr. Schulemberg wrote a letter to the Vatican stating that Juan Diego (the guy who claimed encounters with Guadalupe) never existed. True to form, the Vatican canonized Juan Diego. Schulemberg resigned as head of the Basilica and had hired goons, armed guards, outside of his home in one of the wealthiest neighborhoods in Mexico City (Lomas).
She backs up her comments with links to stories about the event.
She spoke about reporters who were slain trying to expose corruption in a country that had become a battlefield. She talked about how drug traffickers threatened reporters, causing some to flee to the United States only to earn wages for doing menial work.
Also, she told of how of how the violence has affected the psyche of targeted journalists: One asked a friend for a pistol to kill himself rather than face a torture squad. Another reporter kissed his family members in their sleep and waited in his living room to be taken away by assailants.
Nonetheless, in an interview on December 14, Obama made three path-breaking statements. First, he said that enforcing federal marijuana legislation in Colorado and Washington was not a priority of his administration; he had “other fish to fry.” Second, he reiterated his own opposition to legalization, but then added: “at this point.” For the first time, a sitting US president hinted at a possible, perhaps even likely, change of future policy. Finally, Obama advocated holding a “national conversation” on the question of state versus federal legislation on such issues. The importance of these statements cannot be overestimated.
The third change in recent months occurred in one of the world’s largest drug-supplying countries: Mexico, through which practically all of the illegal drugs shipped to the US – cocaine, heroin, marijuana, and methamphetamines – must pass. On December 1, Enrique Peña Nieto succeeded Felipe Calderón as President. As happens almost everywhere, the transition became a moment to scrutinize the outgoing government’s policies, even if the new administration does not intend to modify those policies in the short term. Fortunately for Mexico, history seems to be judging Calderón’s “war on drugs” severely.
Indeed, The Washington Post reported in late November that internal government documents, made available to its Mexico City correspondent, showed that more than 25,000 people disappeared during Calderón’s six-year term, in addition to the roughly 60,000 deaths directly linked to the drug war. The advocacy group Human Rights Watch wrote a public letter to the new president, asking what he intends to do about the thousands of missing Mexicans. Then, in a series of leaks and explicit statements, the new government pointed out the previous policies’ high legal, bureaucratic, and financial costs, and that many more crimes of all types were committed, despite sharply higher spending on law enforcement and security.
In short, the most recent emblem of the traditional, internationally imposed drug-enforcement approach, based on punitive and prohibitionist policies, is turning out to be a catastrophic failure, costing Mexico dearly while producing no results for the country, the rest of Latin America, or the US. Consequently, the main advocates of this approach (Calderón, former Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, the current and former presidents of Brazil, and America’s conservatives and security establishment) are losing public support. Proponents of a different strategy (Presidents Juan Manuel Santos and Otto Peréz Molina of Colombia and Guatemala, respectively, among others), based on public-health premises and legalization, are gaining ground.