Yesterday, the Supreme Court announced they’ll hear two cases from for-profit companies who think they should have the right to deny their employees coverage for birth control—just because the bosses don’t agree with it. So we took to Twitter to tell the birth control bosses: #HandsOffMyBC!
California’s support for abortion rights goes back to at least 1967, when Governor Ronald Reagan signed a law legalizing the procedure, six years before Roe v Wade. The state is also one of only a handful to have the right to privacy written into its Constitution .
Courts have cited that right many times over the years to reject attempts by abortion opponents to impose restrictions.
Things you didn’t know about Ronald Reagan and I was too young to learn about.
Unfortunately, the reforms Holder announced so far do not have a retroactive component so hundreds of thousands of non-violent offenders like Cameron Douglas with drug addiction issues are still being warehoused and forgotten. “Federal prisons are full of people who don’t need to be there,” says Jeremy Haile, federal advocacy counsel for the Sentencing Project, “instead they need drug treatment and it’s not clear how much treatment is available or if any of that treatment is adequate”. Recidivism rates among drug offenders would suggest that whatever treatment is on offer is not remotely adequate and there is no evidence that the prison system plans to reform its treatment policies.
In an open letter published by the Huffington Post in June of this year, Cameron Douglas attempted to raise awareness of his own predicament and that of other non-violent offenders who have been left to rot in prison. He wrote:Unfortunately, whereas the effective remedy for relapse should be treatment, the penal system’s ‘answer’ is to lock the door and throw away the key.
As law enforcement agencies scramble to clean up and dispose of toxic labs, prosecute cooks, and find foster homes for their children, they are waging two battles: one against destitute, strung-out addicts, the other against some of the world’s wealthiest and most politically connected drug manufacturers. In the past several years, lawmakers in 25 states have sought to make pseudoephedrine—the one irreplaceable ingredient in a shake-and-bake lab—a prescription drug. In all but two—Oregon and Mississippi—they have failed as the industry, which sells an estimated $605 million worth of pseudoephedrine-based drugs a year, has deployed all-star lobbying teams and campaign-trail tactics such as robocalls and advertising blitzes.
Perhaps nowhere has the battle been harder fought than in Kentucky, where Big Pharma’s trade group has broken lobbying spending records in 2010 and 2012, beating back cops, doctors, teachers, drug experts, and lawmakers from both sides of the aisle. “It frustrates me to see how an industry and corporate dollars affect commonsense legislation,” says Jackie Steele, a commonwealth’s attorney whose district in southeastern Kentucky has been overwhelmed by meth labs in recent years.